The Rudolf Steiner Archive

With the intention of continuing the "Magazin" in the spirit indicated by the outgoing editor in the above words of farewell, we are taking over the management of the magazine. We wish to offer the readers of the "Magazin" a picture of contemporary intellectual life in the broadest sense of the word. All significant phenomena in the fields of literature, art, science and social life will find their illumination in this journal. Contributions from poets and writers will reflect the artistic life of the present day.

Without favoring one-sided currents, we would like to serve the progressive development. We will always keep our columns open to new directions and aspirations. Dilettantism will never find a place in "Magazin"; but we will always endeavor to show full understanding for individual expressions if they are based on solid foundations.

We intend to run the magazine in the spirit of the living present, but no less in the spirit of genuine art and science. We would like to provide an organ for honest artistic creation and free, unreserved judgment.

We believe that the ground for our endeavors has been prepared in the best possible way by the excellent work of the previous editor and his staff. It is our fervent wish that the excellent relationship he has with his staff and readers will also be passed on to us. The "Magazin" was already a valuable magazine for us, as we were only friends and attentive readers. We now approach our task with all the more enthusiasm and good will, and with the best hopes for the future. The fact that the outgoing editor will continue to be a dear guest is a source of great pleasure to us and will also be welcomed with particular gratitude by our readers.

Our publisher, Mr. Erzil Felber, has been close to the one editor (Steiner) for years, both in business and as a friend. His excellent publishing work to date is particularly suitable for arousing the best expectations for the future of the paper.

Rudolf Steiner
Otto Erich Hartleben

Dr. Kurella has just obtained a book entitled "Socialism in England, described by English Socialists, edited by Sidney Webb". This book will be of great use to anyone who wants to understand socialism in the characteristic forms it takes in England. Important contemporary issues, for example unemployment, are discussed in the book by thorough experts. The writers William Morris, Robert Blatchford, John Burns and others have contributed. A wealth of stimulating material is considered from fruitful points of view.

The University of Berlin will follow the example set by the universities in Jena, Leipzig, Munich and Vienna and also set up popular university courses. Professors Diels, Ortmann, Schmoller, Waldeyer and Witt are said to have made a special contribution to the realization of this undertaking, which will be launched next autumn.

Much has been said about courses of this kind. In a widely read weekly newspaper, one could hear the voices of all those whom a nimble journalistic mind considers authorities in the field of university and popular education. One should actually believe that there is no need to talk so much about this latest institution. If it is implemented well, it will certainly have a beneficial effect. But putting it into practice well means, among other things, not overlooking one requirement. The teachers who take on such university courses must not in any way accommodate the desire of our time for the trivialization of knowledge. The audience must be raised to the heights of science, not lowered to the tone that is unfortunately demanded today in popular scientific lectures and journals. If the university kutse can be used to counteract the malaise of popular trends in science, then we will be able to rejoice in it. I believe that this cannot be too difficult. For those who get to know the true nature of the scientific enterprise must lose their taste for the trivial. Courses can do a great deal to increase respect for science. If, at the beginning, the "people's" mind, which has been thoroughly corrupted by our popular magazines, shows little interest in the undertaking, there is no need to be put off by this.

Eduard Simson has died. It is not only those circles involved in the political development of Germany who are thinking of the deceased, but also those within the literary movements. Simson was one of the few of our contemporaries who still met Goethe in person. He had been recommended to Goethe by Goethe's Berlin musical friend Zelter and counted among his personal memories the strong impression of which all those who have experienced this impression know how to report. It was probably with this in mind that the German "Goethe Society" elected Simson as its first chairman when it was founded. He remained so until his death. Only those who have the necessary understanding of Germany's political development will be able to properly assess the actual effectiveness of this man. He was, after all, far removed from literary life, apart from his stated personal relationship with Goethe.

On Tuesday, January 17, 1900, the Leipzig Professor of History Karl Lamprecht gave a lecture at the Berlin Fleet Association on the necessity of training the German fleet. This is not the place to go into the pros and cons of this question, but it seems appropriate to mention the event in general in a few words. Lamprecht is regarded by many as the founder of a new view of history. He emphasizes the economic and material conditions of historical development more than other historians do. In his lecture, he also gave an overview of the economic foundations of German development over the last thousand years. He considered the intellectual development on this basis. He ignored the question of the connection between spiritual and material culture. This is characteristic of his and his followers' whole approach. They contrast the former view of history, which looked at the development of ideas, with another, that of the development of economic factors. Their view has thus become much more sober. And under such a view, history must forfeit something that Goethe regarded as essential, that it had an effect on enthusiasm. That is what must be pointed out in a literary journal. Lamprecht's lecture was sober, dry, cold. Does it have to be like that when talking about an important contemporary issue?

Thoughts on the Threshold of the Century

In view of all this, I have no doubt that Nietzsche would also have categorized Ernst Ziel as an "educational philosopher". For there are no shattering opinions in the booklet, no opinions that can be seen as a remedy on a grand scale against ingrained prejudices. But if one claims this, one must not overlook the fact that Nietzsche coined the term "Bildungsphilister" with regard to David Friedrich Strauss. If only we had so many "Bildungsphilister" of this kind! And if only those who are had the courage and seriousness of purpose under all circumstances. How many people today think: "The planks with which the reason of the upper classes in Germany is nailed up today are called national arrogance and royal Prussian subservience. And the nails? Bureaucratism, dogmatism, militarism and a few other '-isms'." How some people feel: "When the lieutenant speaks his proudest word, he says with emphasis: "I serve!" Can one think more servile? Even Byzantium would have spit him out with nausea. But today's Germany does not find him hard to stomach - not at all - quite the opposite!" But how many speak freely and openly. Here is one. How many will find themselves portrayed in the booklet? Knock on your chest, the ones it hits you. There are many of you. Listen: "A literary editor of the very latest caliber must have all literary chicanery, literary slogans and literary practices - God how many! - on a string - he doesn't need to know anything about literature." Or: "The number of German princes has become considerably smaller since 1866 - namely on the thrones. - In many an illustrated press organ, on the other hand, it has grown considerably. Today the young Prince of Reuss and his "high bride, the very young Princess of Meiningen, in the picture, tomorrow that of Lippe and that of Waldeck or even all four lovely Highnesses in one number - interesting! gelt? Our most submissive editors know exactly which way the wind is blowing in these imperialist times and how they have to bag the subscribers, especially their subscribers..." "Wind blows!" and "bagging" is well said! These gentlemen editors have become pure greyhounds.

The deputization that Emperor Frederick entrusted to his son, Crown Prince Wilhelm, was by no means complete and, as expressly emphasized, only served to introduce the heir to the throne to the affairs of government, while the Emperor reserved all important decisions for himself. In fact, although there is still conflicting news about his health, Emperor Frederick attends the Council of Ministers, frequently receives the Imperial Chancellor and works continuously with the civil and military cabinet. There has been no change in German policy, and if Russian newspapers are under the delusion that the German Empire under the present Emperor will distance itself more from Austria-Hungary and lean towards Russia again, they only prove that they have not really realized the true nature and significance of the German-Austrian Confederation. In the meantime, the special envoys of the new German Emperor, who have notified the various heads of state of his accession to the throne, have arrived at their destinations and in some cases have already discharged their duties. The Austrian House of Representatives used the last sessions before the Easter vacations for a major debate on the report of the National Debt Commission, which was only presented to the House a year and a half after its completion. This Commission, in which there was a sharp division between the members of the right and left at the time, found it compatible with its dignity to pass a double, directly contradictory resolution. The original vote of censure against the government was later suppressed. The Hungarian Ministers Tisza and Fejervary arrived in Vienna and during a short stay took part in some deliberations of the joint Council of Ministers under the chairmanship of the Emperor, in which the possible proposals for the delegations are to be discussed. However, no further and more specific information was forthcoming. In the past week, the imperial capital of Vienna also turned its attention primarily to the supplementary elections for the municipal council; in the second electoral body, the anti-Semitic candidates won in several districts with a very lively electoral movement, while in the first electoral body the candidates of the liberal electoral committee prevailed everywhere.

In France, the week once again belonged to General Boulanger. His supporters put him up for the chamber in various new elections, and he did indeed receive many thousands of votes. He should emerge victorious from a run-off election in Laon, and the military commission of inquiry, which had to judge his numerous breaches of discipline, made it possible for him to take his eventual seat with great speed by removing him from his position and retiring him with punishment. In Marseille, the old communist Felix Pyat was elected.

The Oriental question, the outward manifestation of which is still the Bulgarian question, has not taken any step forward. Stambulov has now finally refrained from replying to the Grand Vizier's note, and Bulgaria is still completely calm. Of course, the government remains carefully on its guard, as Russia's complete silence is interpreted in informed circles as if it were secretly preparing a sudden strike. Duchess Clementine, the mother of Prince Ferdinand, has left Bulgaria after a stay of several months and has gone to Cannes via Munich and Paris. From there, it is said, she intends to return to her son in Sofia after a few weeks.

Very unpleasant things have happened in Bucharest in the meantime. The ultra-conservative opposition to Bratianu, led by the deputy Catargin, invaded the royal palace with a mob and demanded a stormy audience with the king, who had just returned to his capital with his wife from the funeral celebrations in Berlin and a two-day visit to Vienna. The police had to be called in to remove the noisemakers from the palace. The next day, the opponents advanced against the chamber; blood was shed and the government felt compelled to call in the military, which drove out the rioters. The outcome of these repeated riots cannot yet be foreseen. However, the better elements of Romania, including the capital, seem to be loyal to Bratianu.

The statesmen on the Seine and their eastern stepbrothers on the Dimbowitza have brought us a political Easter. On both sides, stormy scenes in the popular representation, the fall of the government and the formation of new ministries. The Tirard Ministry, the first to be appointed by the new President Carnot, was overthrown after some three or four months of activity, which can by no means be called an insignificant one - since it included the military reprimand of the indisciplined General Boulanger - because it had, it may be said, insisted for no real reason on not allowing the question of a possible revision of the Constitution to be discussed. The French Constitution, which at the time was adopted by the tiniest majority of one vote, is in fact in need of revision in more than one respect; such a revision, carried out with statesmanlike moderation, in no way threatens the peace and order to which the so-called opportunists under Ferry and the honest republicans under Brisson seem to have given themselves over. The right and the radicals united against Tirard, who, glad to be free of the burden, immediately submitted his resignation to the President. Carnot appointed the only man in the situation, Floquet, the President of the Chamber, who is also considered the leader of the moderate radicals, for whom he is roughly what Gambetta was to the opportunists at the time. With remarkable rapidity, Floquet formed a purely radical cabinet, in which Mr. de Freycinet holds the war portfolio, and the clever Goblet, himself once Prime Minister, the foreign portfolio. The appointment of a civilian to the Ministry of War was a bold and radical gamble on Floquet's part, who himself took over the interior; the future will tell whether it succeeds; there is good reason to doubt it. Floquet then developed his program in the chamber, which can be called a moderately radical one, to the silence of the right-wingers and opportunists and to the sometimes overloud applause of the left. It will be time to examine it more closely if the Prime Minister has time to put it into practice. The fact that Clemenceau received the most votes in the first election of the President of the Chamber seems to indicate that after a Floquet ministry, a Clemenceau cabinet is still possible after a few changes; one is only somewhat in doubt as to whether we already have the grand ministere radical before us, or whether this will only be brought to us by the Doctor of Montmartre, who has some relations with Vienna.

In Bucharest, things were no less stormy than in Paris. Bratianu, initially in the favor of the vast majority of the people as well as the king, and thus seemingly completely certain to remain prime minister, has now finally withdrawn and made way for a ministry of young conservatives, who also call themselves Juneists. Although the King entrusted the formation of the cabinet and the presidency to Rosetti, the former Romanian envoy in Vienna, Carp, who was given the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is generally regarded as the soul of the cabinet. Although it is generally assured that Romania under King Carol will never depart in its external policy from that of the Central European imperial powers, the recent disturbances in Bucharest, in which the evil Russian influence is quite transparent, have brought so many surprises that it is dangerous to express any firm opinion as to the probable development of affairs in Romania. If, as is feared in some quarters, a revolutionary movement should break out against the Hohenzollern kingdom as a result of Russian influence, it would probably have to be regarded as the first and most serious harbinger of a great war.

In the meantime, our economic and financial circles have not allowed themselves to be depressed by these political worries; they are relying on the era of peace under Emperor Frederick III. The latest news about the condition of the dear sick man is very contradictory; while his two visits to Berlin are mostly interpreted optimistically, unfortunately very serious reports are again coming from generally well-informed sources. The King has issued an amnesty for the Prussian people at Easter, which, although considerably extended, does not include the much hoped-for application to all those punished under the Socialist Law. On r. April, the German Chancellor Prince Bismarck celebrated his birthday; at the dinner he gave, Crown Prince Wilhelm offered him his toast as the standard bearer of the Reich. Rudolf von Bennigsen, the leader of the National Liberals, received a high distinction by being awarded the Order of the Red Eagle, first class, which, like the deserving recipient, particularly honors the party he leads and must be regarded as a remarkable manifestation of the Emperor.

The initiated negotiations on a settlement between Russia and the Curia continue. - In Denmark the parliament has adjourned; in Serbia the new radical Skupchina has begun its activities.

The Bismarck crisis, which is mentioned in our editorial, seems to have been resolved favorably according to the latest dispatches from Berlin. This happy outcome to the crisis would allow Germany and its friends to breathe a sigh of relief.

The Empress Victoria has traveled to the flooded areas of Posen. This trip is seen as an act of high statesmanship and great natural goodness. Prince Bismarck will leave Berlin one of the very next days and go to Varzin. It is assumed that the Prince intends to stay in Varzin for some time.

The Austrian House of Representatives convened again on May 10th. It has an extensive work program, almost too large for the time allotted to its activities. The general debate on the budget should begin on Thursday. As the delegations are due to meet immediately after Whitsun, the session of the House of Representatives must close no later than the Friday before the Whitsun holidays, i.e. on May 18. There are therefore only 30 sitting days available in total. And in this short period of time, the Spirit Tax Act, the Lloyd Treaty, the first reading of the school proposals, the bills on the lawyers' tariff, the Trademark Protection Act, the warehouses, etc. must be dealt with. It seems likely that a post-session or the postponement of one or other matter will prove necessary. The Poles, who are still in opposition to the alcohol issue, are said to have negotiated with the Left on this matter recently, but without result. The Left is said to have decided to vote against the alcohol tax law for political reasons. At Tuesday's session of the House of Representatives, the thanks of the German Reichstag for the participation expressed on the occasion of the death of Emperor Wilhelm were first communicated to it by the Prime Minister, Count Taaffe, and it has not gone unnoticed that these thanks commemorate with particular warmth the friendly relations existing with the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The wording of the note in question is as follows:

"The undersigned Imperial German Ambassador has the honor, on behalf of His Excellency His Excellency's Government, to convey to the Imperial-Royal Minister of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy the following message. Austrian Minister of the Imperial Household and Foreign Affairs, Count Kalnoky de Köröspatak, to inform the Presidents of the Austrian House of Lords and the House of Representatives, as well as the Hungarian Upper and Lower Houses, that the German Reichstag, in its session of March 19, this year. the unanimous decision to express that the signs of special reverence for our exalted monarch, who was recalled from this temporality, and the warm participation in the mourning of the entire German people, which these representative bodies have expressed in such an eloquent manner, have evoked the deepest emotion and warmest gratitude throughout Germany. This attitude of the Austrian parliaments is an uplifting manifestation of the friendly relations that exist between the two peoples."

In France, the slippery slope of radicalism is rapidly descending. The Boulangian high tide is making rapid progress; Boulanger is winning on all lines. In the department of Dordogne, where he refused to run, he was elected as a deputy with 59,500 votes out of 100,000 cast. The opportunist Clerjonie remained in the minority with 35,700 votes. The opportunists are inconsolable about their new defeat. The Floquet ministry is now up in the air. The current ministry will develop into the radical republic, which poses a major threat to the very existence of the republic.

In the Bulgarian affair, pretty much everything has remained the same. Russia is still inexhaustible in its assurances of peace. It would undertake not to use force against Bulgaria, neither to send officers to train the Bulgarian army, nor to appoint a general as Minister of War, nor to send a commissioner. Russia would calmly await the development of events. In the meantime, however, Russia's rummaging in Bulgaria continued apace. The * Porte assured the Bulgarian delegate that a customs treaty would be concluded by ı. May. The trial of the Popov-Bonev and comrades affair begins on Wednesday under the presidency of Colonel Nikolayev. The government declares that it wants to give the military court complete free rein and stay away from this affair so as not to give rise to suspicions and political machinations. The famous Turkish military cordon was withdrawn from the eastern Rumelian border.

The fact that things have still not calmed down in Romania is also the fault of holy Russia. The Russian Action Party has instigated a peasant movement in Romania. The peasants of various villages revolted, threatened or mistreated the landlords and tenants and demanded the abolition of agrarian contracts, such as the allocation of arable land. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Carp, developed his program in the Chamber. The King had chosen the ministers because they were neutral and stood between the parties. They will also always remain impartial. With regard to foreign policy, the Minister said that it was a legend to claim that the Ministers were pursuing German policy. As far as internal politics were concerned, the Minister explained that it was impossible to take action during the current turmoil. It was necessary to wait until tempers had calmed down and then the government would dissolve the chambers. - It is believed that parliament will be dissolved in the first half of September.

The general debate on the budget was opened in the Austrian House of Representatives on the 16th. The outcome can no longer be in doubt for anyone. The budget will be approved despite the opposition of the left, strengthened by the Young Czechs and Deputy Gregorez. Incidentally, the budget debate has lost much of its interest in view of the spirits and defense bill. The speakers of the opposition so far also seem to be under this impression. One misses in their speeches the powerful sword strokes which are usually used by the opposition against the government during the budget debate, and it seems as if the opposition wanted to save all its energy for the debate on the spirits bill. In this debate, the Poles have abandoned the oppositional position with which they had been parading until recently, despite the storm of petitions from their country. Incidentally, this compliance is not due to the government, but to the influence of the highest constitutional factor. It can now be expected that the Poles will capitalize on their refusal to play an oppositional role, which they have never taken too seriously. The Hungarian Minister of National Defense has also submitted a defense bill to the Reichstag that is identical to the Austrian one. However, the motives report of the Hungarian defense bill is commendably detailed, in pleasant contrast to the paucity of the Austrian one. The unsettling conditions on our north-eastern border justify this measure, which has a profound impact on the social life of the Monarchy. On August 16, the Austrian Minister of Justice introduced a bill to extend the effectiveness of the Anarchy Act, which is still in force until August 1. August this year is to be extended until August 31, 1891.

Germany has probably been freed from its frightening chancellor crisis for a long time to come, but the unpleasant impression left by the unscrupulous exploitation of certain circles will not soon be erased. On the other hand, the sudden worsening of Emperor Frederick's condition is causing concern and grief among the German people. The ailment is no longer localized; it has also affected other noble parts of the body. All members of the imperial household are gathered in Charlottenburg Palace for most of the day.

Boulanger won for the third time. On the 16th he was elected deputy of the Northern Department with a huge majority. Once again, he has the Bonapartists to thank for his victory. The "valiant" general issued a manifesto to the voters of the Northern Department in which he demanded the removal of the Chamber, the President and the Ministry, as well as the convening of a Constituante. Quousque tandem, Catilina! However, the Boulanger folly did bring one good thing to light: the republican parties united more closely in the face of the danger threatening the republic. Only by holding firm in this way can the danger be eliminated.

The situation in the Orient has not changed. The revolts that have broken out in some places in Romania will probably soon be completely quelled by the government's energy. - Nothing is known in well-informed circles of an imminent departure of Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria to Bucharest.